
Written by Harry Johnson
A while back the House of Commons deliberated upon a motion to withdraw from the contested Chagos Archipelago and to help enable Chagossians to resettle the islands. During the debate many good arguments have been put forward by members of Government as to the feasibility of resettlement and concerns over the joint US-UK military base. Chief of the arguments being made against the continued existence of the BIOT was the ICJ judgement and concerns over human rights abuses carried out when the Chagossians were evicted from the islands.
The former of the arguments arguably does carry weight, especially in the light of the decision being rendered by the ICJ itself and ultimately is based on sound legal reasoning. As our delegation to the UN has noted however there exist several issues with the judgement. First of all the judgement is purely advisory and thus it has no legal power to compel us to withdraw from the islands. Furthermore as the UK has argued before the ICJ itself the issue of the BIOT is ultimately a bilateral dispute that as per precedent regarding international law ought to be solved and arbitrated with the consent of both sides. Consent, which we as a state have failed to provide. To allow for such to disputes to be resolved on a unilateral manner is extremely dangerous.
Perhaps this quagmire is best described by the British ambassador’s to the UN remarks “This has wider and profound implications for all Member States with bilateral disputes and if the resolution is passed, it will create a difficult precedent in the General Assembly. It would imply that any bilateral dispute between two States could be referred for an advisory opinion to the ICJ and then pronounced on by the General Assembly, whether or not the States involved have consented. I invite colleagues to reflect carefully on that point. If today you are a country which has a bilateral dispute with another Member State, you risk throwing open the door for that dispute to be subject to an advisory opinion of the ICJ and a vote of the General Assembly.”
It is also worth noting that successive British governments have taken steps in order to ease the integration of Chagossians into the Seychelles and Mauritius by offering generous support packages totalling tens of millions of pounds including several payments to Mauritius itself. Moreover as per the agreement signed between the Mauritian and British governments Mauritius maintains access to certain aspects of the BIOT such as certain natural resources there. With all these facts in mind it seems that the argument against our supposed “occupation” becomes quite flimsy , especially in light of Solidarity’s other more isolationist policies such as the declaration of genocide in Canada or tacit support for the BDS movement.
Even if we were to concede that the occupation itself is illegal or perhaps more accurately immoral in the view of the UN the original ruling called for us to withdraw as soon as possible. Given the precarious position we are in in the Indian Ocean any sort of withdrawal from the Islands is simply not possible without finding a replacement for the base without some other facility to replace it. However no such replacement exists. When pressed about this, Solidarity has proposed to use facilities in Kenya and Sierra Leone. The only problem being is that neither of these nations hosts facilities remotely similar to what Diego Garcia has and both countries are thousands of kilometers away from the Indian Ocean Territory.
The Diego Garcia Naval Support base is also uniquely positioned. It is practically situated in the center of the Indian Ocean, within striking distance of virtually all maritime choke points, key supply lines, and hostile naval facilities. It’s also worth noting that in the worst case scenario such as a protracted war between the UK or US and China returning to bases in the Middle East would be tricky at best and dangerous at worst as not only would these ships have to travel for thousands of miles, but they would also have to pass through the strait of Hormuz, which could be blocked by the Iranian military, leaving the bases in Singapore as the alternative although Chinese ships operating out of Sri lanka could potentially force British and American ships to travel around Indonesia to reach that base. Therefore the choice seems quite clear either we are to abandon the Indian Ocean or the base in Diego Garcia has to stay for the foreseeable future.
Source GIS
Furthermore so long as the base remains under British sovereignty the base is also a much better geopolitical bet than a base in Mauritius or India, owing to the continuous Anglo-American alliance “the special relationship” that is only set to improve after our withdrawal from the European Union. Political reliability is key when it comes to critical overseas bases and the current Diego Garcia lease arrangement between Britain and our allies across the pond is arguably the most politically reliable way to house American troops in the area.
Another concern is that leaving the base entirely would also remove an emergency landing site for civilian aviation over the Indian Ocean as well as potentially impair future search rescue operations within the Ocean as was the case with the Malaysia Airlines Flight 370.
What is more, the facilities present on the Island such as the giant airstrip of over 2 miles, climate-controlled hangars for stealth bombers such as B-2 Spirit bombers and a range of other naval support facilities is not something that can be easily replicated elsewhere. Not without major costs and mass evictions at least. For instance, the total area of Diego Garcia is 12 square miles, almost 3 times the total area of the Sembawang area surrounding the British Defence Support unit in Singapore home to over 95 thousand people. If Solidarity wishes to replace BIOT with this base they would be looking at not expelling some 1400 people as was the case with the Chagos Islands ,but anywhere in excess of 95 thousand people just to get a third of the area Diego Garcia currently offers. The same would be true for any feasible replacement. There simply is no other base like Diego Garcia within a reasonable distance from the hot spot that is the Indian Ocean , unless one would be willing to either colonise another island or evict tenths of thousands of people from their homes to ….. make up for evicting thousands of people from their homes.
Even if the United Kingdom government was to foolishly embrace the advice of Solidarity and chuck the archipelago in favour of some unspecified base in the Middle East or Asia. There is still the tiny issue of nukes and other elements of the US nuclear triad being present within such a base.
Glossing over loopholes or other “exemptions” within these treaties and laws since Solidarity has put international law as the overriding reason for their BIOT policy and therefore it would be hypocritical to try and work around these international treaties. Putting nuclear weapons in any of the zones covered by any of these treaties would breach international law the party so seeks to protect so much. So bases in Africa and chunks of Asia are out of the equation ,including a Mauritius-controlled Chagos archipelago ,unless international laws are to be breached or seriously challenged.
One could also speculate as to whether other states within the region such as Oman or Qatar would wish to have nuclear weapons deployed within their borders. Even if consent was somehow provided the strategic value of these weapons and equipment would be significantly diminished as they would be relocated from the center of the Indian Ocean to the Middle East , where they would have to potentially travel much longer distances through potentially hostile states such as Iran or Russia ,risking interdiction or worse an international incident.
Most humorous however is the claim that the utility of the Chagos islands would be “questionable” when it comes to assisting India. To quote an excellent article by retired Rear Admiral Micheal McDevitt “ The base has its origins in the 1960s as decolonization swept over the region and Soviet influence grew in many of the newly independent countries. But it was China, not the Soviet Union, that spurred Washington to focus on acquiring a base. The policy trigger was the 1962 Sino-Indian War, when Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had pressed Washington for military assistance to India, including an urgent request for U.S. air power to actually intervene. President Kennedy was not willing to go that far, and decided to dispatch the U.S. aircraft carrier USS Kitty Hawk to provide air support if China drove south to Calcutta — but a ceasefire was reached before it arrived.” The entire point of establishing a base at the time was to ensure that power could be projected within the Indian Ocean and that includes the ability to provide support to India should things go south.
National Security and power projection should never be treated as partisan issues. Regardless of one’s views on economic and social issues it is absolutely crucial that politicians do not try to undermine our strategic capabilities just to score points against their opponents.
Sources cited:
https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/resolution-on-the-british-indian-ocean-territory














